Female Serial Homicide: An In-Depth Analysis of Their Motives & Methods

Dispelling the Myth of the Male Serial Killer

Female Serial Homicide: The concept of the serial killer, as it exists in popular culture, is overwhelmingly male. Figures like Ted Bundy and Jeffrey Dahmer are widely known through books, movies, and podcasts, contributing to a deeply ingrained and persistent misconception that women are incapable of committing such heinous crimes. This societal belief is so prevalent that as late as the 1990s, the Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI) did not officially recognize female serial killers, instead classifying their crimes under the umbrella of “sexual killing,” which was considered almost exclusively indicative of a male perpetrator.

However, this myth is statistically and criminologically unfounded. While men do commit the vast majority of all murders in the United States, a closer look at serial homicide reveals a different reality. Women are responsible for approximately 17% of all serial murders in the U.S., a disproportionately high figure given that they only account for 10% of total homicides. This surprising statistic suggests that a female offender is statistically more likely to be a serial murderer than a man. The reason for their relative obscurity lies not in their rarity but in the fundamental differences in their motivations, methods, and victim selection, which are less likely to garner the sensational media attention that characterizes male serial killer cases.

This report seeks to provide a definitive, expert-level analysis that moves beyond these misconceptions. By employing an expansive and inclusive definition of serial murder—the premeditated killing of three or more victims over time in separate incidents—this document will comprehensively examine the history and psychology of female serial killers (FSKs), encompassing a diverse range of cases that defy simple classification. The analysis will reveal how the typical female modus operandi, often quiet and concealed, allows these perpetrators to operate for extended periods and how the public’s fascination with violence and sadism has inadvertently obscured their existence.

A Chronological Compendium of Noteworthy Cases

The history of female serial homicide is marked by patterns that reflect the social and professional roles available to women in different eras. The following compendium provides a chronological overview of some of the most significant cases, categorized by their primary characteristics.

The chronological progression of these cases reveals a compelling evolution in the methodology of female serial killers. Historically, in the 18th and 19th centuries, crimes were often perpetrated within a private or domestic sphere, with poisoners like Gesche Gottfried targeting family members, husbands, and children within the home. As women began to gain employment outside the home, particularly in traditionally “feminine” roles, the site of the killings transitioned from the private domain to public-facing institutions.

The rise of the “Angel of Death” archetype perfectly illustrates this shift. Amelia Dyer, a Victorian “baby farmer,” exploited her caregiving role to murder hundreds of infants. This trend continued with the emergence of nurses like Jane Toppan and Genene Jones, who used their professional access and knowledge of medicine to kill patients in hospitals and care facilities. This pattern persists to this day, with recent cases such as Lucy Letby and Heather Pressdee, who also worked as nurses, demonstrating the enduring nature of this archetype in the 21st century. The shift from the domestic poisoner to the institutional killer shows how female killers’ methods are highly adaptive to their environment and access to vulnerable victims.

Thematic Analysis: Archetypes, Motives, and Modus Operandi

The “Black Widow” and the Profit Motive

The most common motivation for female serial killers is financial gain. This pragmatic motive stands in stark contrast to the sexual lust or sadistic gratification that often drives male serial murderers. These offenders, often labeled “Black Widows,” kill for comfort or profit, targeting husbands, lovers, or family members to collect insurance money or inherit assets. A classic example is Judy Buenoano, who was convicted of murdering her husband and son and attempting to kill her fiancé, all for financial benefit.

This pragmatic approach is reflected in their choice of weapons. Poisons, in particular, are favored because they are quiet, discreet, and can often mimic a natural death, thereby evading suspicion and allowing the perpetrator to continue their criminal activities for years before being detected.

The “Angel of Death”: The Exploitation of Trust

The “Angel of Death” is an especially insidious and prevalent archetype of the female serial killer. These individuals operate in positions of trust, such as nurses, nurse’s aides, and babysitters, preying on the most vulnerable members of society: the elderly, the ill, and children. The statistics are alarming: research shows that 39% of female serial killers have been employed in a healthcare-related field.

This archetype has a long history, from the 19th-century “baby farmer” Amelia Dyer, who was believed to have murdered over 300 infants in her care , to the late 19th-century nurse Jane Toppan, known as “Jolly Jane.” Toppan, who confessed to 31 murders and claimed a victim count closer to 100, would administer a drug cocktail to her patients and hold them as they died, admitting during her trial to a sexual arousal from the act. This element of sadism, while rare among FSKs, is a documented motive in cases where perpetrators gain a pathological sense of power or control.

The theme of caregivers killing those they are trusted to protect continued into the 20th century with figures like Genene Jones, a nurse who injected infants with a deadly cocktail, and the “Lainz Angels of Death,” a group of four Austrian nurse’s aides who confessed to 49 murders and were suspected of up to 200.

Their chosen method of drowning victims in their beds with water was a chillingly pragmatic one, as fluid in the lungs could easily be mistaken for a natural cause of death in elderly patients. The “Lethal Lovers,” Gwendolyn Graham and Cathy Wood, who smothered five elderly women in a nursing home, also exemplify this archetype’s exploitation of their professional role and access to the helpless.

In the 21st century, this archetype persists with devastating effect. Lucy Letby, a British neonatal nurse, was convicted of murdering seven babies and attempting to kill six more in her care. More recently, Heather Pressdee, a Pennsylvania nurse, admitted to killing three patients and is linked to the deaths of 17 via lethal insulin injections. The continuity of this criminal pattern across centuries, from the Victorian era to the present day, underscores how a position of trust can be pathologically exploited for power, financial gain, or sadistic pleasure.

The Atypical Killer: Aileen Wuornos

While the vast majority of FSKs operate in a circumscribed, place-specific manner, some cases defy the typical profile. Aileen Wuornos, a Florida highway prostitute who murdered seven male clients between 1989 and 1990, stands as a notable exception. Unlike the archetypal FSK, Wuornos did not kill for financial gain, but rather out of personal gratification and vengeance. Her methods were equally anomalous; she used a firearm to kill strangers in outdoor settings, actions that are far more characteristic of male serial murderers who “hunt” their victims.

The fact that her crimes fit the violent, sadistic, and stranger-stalking profile the public associates with men is likely what led to her immense notoriety. This alignment with a pre-existing cultural stereotype—a woman “killing like a man”—propelled her into the media spotlight and cemented her status as a cultural icon, while other, equally prolific female killers like Jane Toppan and Belle Gunness remain largely unknown.

Cults and Partnerships in Crime

Although most FSKs operate alone, some have been part of deadly criminal partnerships or cults. The prevailing myth is that women in these partnerships are merely reluctant and manipulated accomplices, coerced by a domineering male. While this may have been the case with Karla Homolka, who was assisted by her husband, Paul Bernardo, in the rape and murder of minors , the reality is often more complex.

In the case of the Manson Family, female members such as Susan Atkins and Patricia Krenwinkel were not mere passive participants but active agents in the Tate-LaBianca murders, driven by the cult’s ideological and violent tenets. The case of Sara Aldrete further dismantles the “sidekick” stereotype. Known as the “high priestess” and second-in-command of a satanic cult, Aldrete was actively involved in ritualistic killings and wielded significant authority within the group.

Her case, along with others like the Delfina and María de Jesús González sisters, who were convicted of killing at least 80 women and patrons at their brothel , demonstrates that women are capable of leading or co-leading large-scale criminal enterprises. These examples reveal that beyond financial motives, a desire for power and control can be a powerful driver, especially when enabled by a group dynamic or a position of authority.

The Media’s Role in Framing Female Killers

The media plays a significant role in shaping public perception of female serial killers, often through a gendered and sensationalized lens. Academic research indicates that FSKs are typically categorized into one of three stereotypical roles: “mad,” “sad,” or “bad”. Women who commit violent crimes are portrayed as deviating from traditional gender roles of being “passive, maternal, married and monogamous”. The media attempts to explain this deviance by pathologizing the female offender, focusing on their mental illness or past trauma.

This gendered portrayal is evident in the nicknames assigned to male and female serial killers. Women are more likely to be given nicknames that denote their gender, such as “Jolly Jane” or “Tiger Woman,” while male killers’ nicknames tend to reflect the brutality of their crimes, like the “BTK Killer” or “Kansas City Slasher”.

The case of Joanna Dennehy exemplifies this phenomenon. Tabloid newspapers represented her as mentally ill, sexualized, and dehumanized, a portrayal that was not as prominent for her male counterpart, Stephen Griffiths, despite him committing similar acts. By focusing on her promiscuity and depicting her as “sexually deviant,” the media upheld the patriarchal value system that judges women for deviating from traditional social norms. This type of sensationalism is also evident in the case of Juana Barraza, “The Little Old Lady Killer,” where the media’s profiling led to the misgendering of the killer and the wrongful targeting of trans sex workers, highlighting how stereotypes can have real and violent consequences.

The Composite Profile: A Statistical and Psychological Snapshot

Based on a synthesis of statistical data and case studies, a composite profile of the typical female serial killer can be constructed. The analysis reveals a figure that is starkly different from the popular image of the male serial killer.

A typical FSK is likely to be white, in her 20s or 30s at the time of her first murder, middle-class, and of average or above-average attractiveness. She has probably been married at least once and may have some college education. Crucially, she is often employed in a caregiving profession, with nearly 40% of cases involving women who worked as nurses or in related healthcare fields.

Her criminal behavior is distinguished by its intimate and controlled nature. She almost always knows her victims (in 92% of cases) and is more than twice as likely to have murdered a spouse or partner. The victims are predominantly those who are vulnerable, such as children, the ill, or the elderly, with more than half of FSKs killing children and a quarter killing older or ill adults. Her preferred method is poisoning, while male serial killers are far more likely to use asphyxiation. This contrast is further highlighted by the lack of stalking behavior; only 3.6% of FSKs stalk their victims, compared to 65.4% of male serial killers.

The differences in methodology and motive may be understood through an evolutionary psychology framework. One theory posits that male serial killers’ tendency to “hunt” and stalk strangers for sexual gain is a perverse manifestation of ancestral hunting roles, while FSKs’ pattern of “gathering” victims from their immediate, known environment for financial gain reflects historical female roles as gatherers of nearby resources. This perspective suggests that while the behavior is aberrant, it may be a distorted reflection of deep-seated, sex-specific roles.

Beyond these behavioral distinctions, a recurring theme in the histories of female serial killers is a high incidence of childhood trauma, particularly sexual molestation. Additionally, about 40% of FSKs have shown evidence of mental illness. This tragic pattern raises critical questions about the potential for prevention through early mental health intervention and addressing the root causes of victimization.

Concluding Remarks: Insights and Implications

The analysis of female serial homicide cases reveals a complex and often overlooked aspect of criminality. The public’s perception of serial killers is a cultural construct shaped by media narratives that favor sensational, violent, and sexually motivated crimes. This has led to the dangerous and inaccurate belief that such crimes are exclusively the domain of men.

The evidence presented in this report, however, points to a clear and distinct profile for the female serial killer. Her crimes are typically motivated by pragmatic goals, primarily financial gain, and are executed with a chilling efficiency that exploits positions of trust. The “Angel of Death” archetype, in particular, demonstrates a perversion of the traditional female caregiving role, with the perpetrator’s pathology allowing them to view their victims as means to an end, whether that end is money, a sense of control, or sadistic pleasure.

Finally, for the media, there is a responsibility to move beyond sensationalized, gendered portrayals that reinforce patriarchal myths and instead provide accurate and responsible reporting. A more informed public can challenge these misconceptions and foster a deeper, more accurate understanding of the nature of crime, regardless of the gender of the perpetrator. The existence of the female serial killer is a stark reminder that while the behaviors may differ, the capacity for profound evil is a human, not an exclusively male, trait.

References:

⚡︎ Let’s Start A Cult ⚡︎

Subscribe Now. Unholy Trinity Newsletter. Killers. Cults. Crime

We Uncover the Bizarre.

First Name

Email address

Leave this field empty if you're human: