Case File: Tracey Wigginton The Lesbian Vampire Killer

Case File: Tracey Wigginton – The "Lesbian Vampire Killer"

The murder of Edward Baldock in Brisbane, Australia, in October 1989, remains one of the most chilling and sensational cases in Australian criminal history. At its center was Tracey Wigginton, a figure who quickly became infamous as the "Lesbian Vampire Killer".1 The extreme brutality of the crime, which left Baldock nearly decapitated after being stabbed 27 times, combined with the alleged vampiric motive, immediately seized public attention and fear.1 This report aims to delve beyond the sensational headlines, providing a comprehensive analysis of the Tracey Wigginton case, examining her complex background, the precise details of the crime, the legal proceedings, the psychological dimensions of her "vampire" claims, and a critical examination of the media’s role in shaping public perception.

The enduring public fascination with this case is a testament to the powerful impact of sensational monikers in shaping public memory. The label "Lesbian Vampire Killer" became inextricably linked with Wigginton, as evidenced by its pervasive use in media coverage and even in casual references to the case.1 This initial, often simplistic, media framing of a complex criminal case can profoundly dictate how it is remembered and discussed for decades, frequently prioritizing shock value and narrative simplicity over nuanced understanding. The immediate "shock factor" was a primary driver of public interest. The explicit brutality of the murder—27 stab wounds and near decapitation—along with the bizarre "vampire" motive, directly contributed to the intense public and media reaction.1 This initial shock was crucial in establishing the case’s notoriety and setting the stage for the enduring sensational narrative that continues to define it.

Early Life and the Embrace of the Occult

Tracey Avril Wigginton, born on August 4, 1965, in Rockhampton, Australia, experienced a deeply troubled early life.3 She was adopted at the age of three by her wealthy maternal grandparents, George and Avril Wigginton, after her mother could no longer care for her following a divorce.3 Wigginton later claimed that her grandparents were controlling and had subjected her to physical and sexual abuse.3 In 1981, at the age of 15, she inherited $75,000 (equivalent to $310,640 in 2022 dollars) upon their deaths.3 Following this, she briefly returned to live with her birth mother, who was reportedly unaccepting of her lesbianism.3 A Goodreads review of a book on the case noted her as "Abandoned by Mom, abused, she made her own world. Very sad".8 She then moved in with a family friend who initially described her as "a loving girl, gifted artist and devout Catholic".3

Her path took a significant turn after a miscarriage, leading her to abandon Catholicism and begin communicating with a "white witch" in Adelaide.3 Upon moving to Brisbane, Wigginton’s immersion in the occult deepened considerably. She was known to keep black magic items on her person and used animal blood to draw occult symbols.3 Friends and family provided numerous details of her escalating occult interests: she read books about witchcraft in Grade 9 or 10, frequently wore black clothes, and drew grotesque, tortured, and twisted faces.9 She expressed a profound fascination with "the other side".9 Her stepsister, Miriam, observed Wigginton’s childhood behavior of curling into a fetal position in an apparent trance for hours when upset, a behavior that reportedly persisted into her adult life.9 Wigginton also questioned Miriam about black magic and human sacrifices, even persuading her to attend a séance.9

The trajectory of Wigginton’s life, marked by claims of early life trauma and rejection, appears to have driven her towards an alternative belief system that offered a sense of power and belonging. Her turn from traditional religion to the occult can be seen as a search for agency and a new identity in response to perceived powerlessness and familial non-acceptance. The belief her friends held in her "supernatural power" further indicates her ability to exert dominance, potentially fulfilling a psychological need to control others when her own early life was characterized by a lack of control. This suggests a causal link where unresolved trauma and identity struggles propelled her into an occult world, ultimately manifesting in violent tendencies.

Her pre-murder behaviors revealed a disturbing progression towards violence. She picnicked at night in the old Toowong cemetery with friends, even taking home a fallen headstone.9 She drew patterns in blood from defrosted meat or from self-inflicted cuts.9 Her fascination with violence was chillingly explicit: she often wondered aloud what it would feel like to kill someone and would replay scenes of killing or maiming from horror movies.9 In the week before the murder, she and a friend watched a vampire movie and repeatedly viewed a video of someone’s head being blown off by a shotgun.9 Most alarmingly, she claimed to friends that she was a vampire, stating she drank pig and cow blood obtained from a butcher.9 In a particularly disturbing act, she persuaded a friend, Linda, to cut her wrists four times so Wigginton could suck her blood.9

Wigginton exerted significant control and influence over her friends. They reportedly felt dominated by her and believed she possessed "some kind of supernatural power".9 She would instruct them to sit cross-legged and maintain eye contact with a light behind her, leading them to believe her body disappeared, leaving only "two cat’s eyes floating before them".9 She also expressed a "burning hatred" for her birth mother, indicating deep-seated resentment.9 This progressive escalation in Wigginton’s engagement with violence, from self-harm and animal cruelty to actively planning murder, demonstrates a clear and chilling trajectory of desensitization and premeditated intent. Her early behaviors, often recognized as warning signs, highlight a consistent pattern of deepening pathology.

The Night of the Murder: Edward Baldock’s Tragic End

The brutal murder of Edward Baldock occurred on a cool October night in 1989, in Orleigh Park, West End, Brisbane.9 Baldock, a 47-year-old council worker and father of four, was waiting for a taxi after a night of heavy drinking and darts with friends.3

Wigginton, then 24, and her three accomplices—Lisa Ptaschinski (24), Kim Jervis (23), and Tracy Waugh (23)—had been out drinking before driving around in Wigginton’s Holden Commodore in search of a victim.3 Jervis persuaded Baldock into their car.3 Accounts vary on how Wigginton enticed Baldock into the vehicle, with disputes over whether she offered him a lift or pretended to be a sex worker.3 Wigginton later told police that their initial plan was a "joke"—to entice a man down to the river, "turn him on and then leave him there".9

The events at the park quickly escalated from this stated "joke" to a horrific reality. Baldock undressed while Wigginton returned to the car to retrieve a knife.3 She then launched a savage attack, stabbing Baldock 27 times, nearly severing his head.3 Descriptions of the attack detail her plunging the knife into his neck, withdrawing it, stabbing again on both sides, slashing his throat, and continuing to stab as he gurgled.9 She then plunged the knife deep into his side to ensure he was dead.9 Wigginton’s chilling lack of emotion during and after the act was notable; she told police she "felt nothing" while stabbing Baldock and calmly "sat down to smoke a cigarette while she watched him die".3 Crucially, her accomplices later stated that Wigginton drank Baldock’s blood.2

The significant discrepancy between Wigginton’s initial explanation to police—that the plan was a "joke" to "turn him on and then leave him there"—and the extreme violence of the actual murder (27 stab wounds, near decapitation, alleged blood drinking) suggests a profound disconnect in her perception of reality or a deliberate fabrication to mask a deeper, more sinister, and premeditated motive, such as her "need to feed" as a "vampire".2 This highlights a deeply disturbed psychological state, where a casual deception rapidly transformed into an act of extreme brutality.

The excessive nature of the violence—27 stab wounds, near decapitation, and the alleged act of drinking blood—went far beyond what was necessary to simply kill a victim.3 This suggests that the murder was not merely a homicide but a highly ritualistic or psychologically driven act, a "signature" reflecting Wigginton’s internal world. Her chilling statement of "felt nothing" and calmly smoking a cigarette while Baldock died further underscores a severe lack of empathy and a detached, almost performative, aspect to the violence.3 This indicates that the crime was deeply intertwined with her occult fascinations and self-identification as a vampire, serving a symbolic or psychological purpose for her.

After the murder, Wigginton threw the knife into the river and washed her hands and arms before returning to her friends in the car.9 The case proved to be "one of their most easily solved" for the police due to a crucial piece of evidence left at the scene: Wigginton’s bank key card, found neatly tucked into the toe of Baldock’s shoe among his folded clothes.3 This direct link allowed police to quickly locate her address in a northern suburb of Brisbane, leading to her swift identification and arrest.3

The Accomplices: Roles and Dynamics

The murder of Edward Baldock was not a solitary act but involved three female accomplices: Lisa Ptaschinski (aged 24), Kim Jervis (aged 23), and Tracy Waugh (aged 23).3 These women were present with Wigginton in her Holden Commodore when Baldock was picked up.3

Wigginton’s friends reportedly felt controlled by her and believed she possessed "supernatural power".9 A critical element of their complicity was their conviction that Wigginton was a vampire and that Edward Baldock was killed "to feed Tracey’s blood-lust" because she was a "vampire".3 Upon her return to the car after the murder, they claimed they could "smell blood on her breath".9

During the murder, the accomplices remained in the car, too scared to leave.9 Wigginton had explicitly threatened them, stating she was "liable to rip their arm off" if anyone touched her during the process.9 Although initially "reluctant to believe Tracey would commit murder," the alleged smell of blood on her breath after the event reportedly convinced them.9 The police largely pieced together the sequence of events from the accounts given by Wigginton’s friends, as Wigginton herself initially claimed to recall little.9

The accomplices’ belief in Wigginton’s "supernatural power" and their conviction that she was a "vampire" who "needed to feed" highlight a powerful dynamic of manipulation and possibly a shared delusional system within the group.3 Their explicit fear of Wigginton, reinforced by her threats, suggests a coercive environment where their individual agency was significantly compromised. This raises critical questions about the psychological vulnerability of the accomplices and the extent of Wigginton’s charismatic, albeit sinister, influence. The varying legal outcomes for the accomplices reflect the court’s nuanced assessment of individual culpability within this complex, coercive group dynamic.

The media’s use of phrases like "vampire cult" and descriptions of Wigginton as a "charismatic lesbian adoptee with a gang of like-minded female followers" suggest a dimension beyond individual pathology.8 While the available information does not confirm a formal, large-scale cult, the shared belief in Wigginton’s vampirism and the accomplices’ passive complicity indicate a small, insular group dynamic centered around Wigginton’s bizarre delusions.9 This implies that Wigginton fostered a pseudo-cultic environment where her extreme beliefs were not only accepted but acted upon by her followers, transforming individual psychopathology into a shared, distorted reality. This adds a layer of social pathology to the case, demonstrating how a disturbed individual can draw others into their delusion.

The legal outcomes for the co-accused varied significantly:

Investigation, Confession, and Legal Reckoning

The discovery of Wigginton’s bank key card in Edward Baldock’s shoe was a pivotal moment that made the case "one of their most easily solved".3 This direct link allowed police to quickly locate her address in a northern suburb of Brisbane, leading to her swift apprehension.9

Wigginton underwent three police interviews, during which her account of the events shifted significantly.9 In her first interview, the day after the murder, she denied any knowledge of the crime but admitted to having been at Orleigh Park and losing her key card there.9 When confronted with the fact that a man had been murdered in that area, she responded with feigned surprise, "Oh, no!".9 She then introduced a third girl, Linda, whom she had initially omitted from her account.9 In a second interview, after police informed her that her friends had reported seeing a body, Wigginton became upset and confirmed she had seen the body, stating that she and her friends were "scared shitless" and decided to forget about it.9 Finally, after being convinced that her friends had confessed, Wigginton admitted her previous accounts were lies and provided a detailed confession of the murder.9 Despite her detailed confession of the act, her motives remained "entirely unclear" to the police at that time.9

Wigginton’s bank card, found directly at the crime scene, served as undeniable physical evidence linking her to the murder.3 Her initial denials and subsequent shifting accounts during police interviews were ultimately rendered futile by this concrete and easily traceable clue. This highlights the critical role of forensic evidence in quickly solving seemingly random or bizarre crimes, demonstrating how tangible facts can cut through elaborate attempts at obfuscation or denial, leading directly to apprehension.

Wigginton was the only one of the four co-accused who pleaded guilty to the charge of murder, which meant there was no full trial for her specific actions.3 This decision could be interpreted as a strategic move to avoid a public trial where her psychological state and the bizarre "vampire" claims might have been subjected to intense scrutiny. However, during the trial of her accomplices, Ptaschinski, Jervis, and Waugh testified that Wigginton had claimed to have vampiric tendencies and that the reason for the murder was to enable the drinking of the man’s blood.3 These statements brought the sensational elements of the case to light, influencing the public narrative and shaping the perception of the crime, despite Wigginton’s guilty plea limiting her own direct testimony on motive.

In 1991, Wigginton was formally convicted of murder and sentenced to life imprisonment by the Supreme Court of Queensland, with a minimum of 13 years.3 Her accomplices received varying sentences: Lisa Ptaschinski was also convicted of murder and received a life term; Kim Jervis was convicted of manslaughter and sentenced to 18 years in jail; and Tracy Waugh was acquitted.3 During the legal proceedings, Wigginton made a chilling and self-aggrandizing statement to the media: "’It’s hard to be famous, isn’t it? A legend in my own mind’".3 This statement reveals a profound degree of narcissism and a desire for notoriety, even while facing a murder conviction. It suggests that the crime, beyond any stated "vampiric" motive, may have also been partly driven by a perverse craving for attention and recognition. This adds another complex layer to her psychological profile, indicating that the widespread public fascination and media sensationalism she generated were, in some twisted way, a desired outcome for her, highlighting a potential link between extreme acts and a pathological need for recognition.

The "Vampire" Claim: Motive and Psychological Dimensions

Central to the enduring notoriety of the Tracey Wigginton case is her professed belief in vampirism and the claim that the murder of Edward Baldock was committed to "feed" her "blood-lust" and sustain her existence.1 Her friends and accomplices consistently reinforced this motive, stating that Baldock was killed "to feed Tracey’s blood-lust" because she was a "vampire".3

Prior to the murder, Wigginton allegedly consumed pig and cow blood obtained from a butcher.9 A particularly disturbing account details her persuading a friend, Linda, to cut her wrists four times so Wigginton could suck her blood.9 However, a crucial ambiguity surrounds the actual blood consumption during the murder itself. While Wigginton spoke of needing to "feed" and indicated she would drink the victim’s blood, her three friends who were with her that night "did not witness her doing so".9 They only claimed to "smell blood on her breath" upon her return to the car.9

Wigginton’s consistent claims of vampirism and a "need to feed" are central to the case’s notoriety.2 However, the critical detail that her friends "did not witness her doing so" (drinking Baldock’s blood) during the murder introduces a significant ambiguity.9 While they "were sure they could smell blood on her breath," this is not direct observation of consumption.9 This suggests that the "vampiric" act might have been more symbolic, psychological, or even a performance for her followers, rather than a literal, witnessed act of blood-drinking from the victim. This contradiction complicates the "vampire" narrative, suggesting it could be a manifestation of severe mental instability, a delusional system, or a powerful psychological construct used to justify her actions, rather than a literal ritual.

Wigginton displayed a chilling detachment, telling police she "felt nothing" while stabbing Baldock and calmly watching him die.3 The book The Vampire Killer suggests that during police interviews, "one part of Tracey knew what happened but another didn’t," indicating a potential psychological complexity, such as dissociation or a fragmented sense of self.4 The available research material does not contain detailed formal psychiatric evaluations or expert testimony from her trial, which limits a definitive clinical assessment of her mental state. However, analysis can be drawn from her stated beliefs, behaviors, and the accounts of those around her.

Wigginton’s long-standing fascination with the occult, black magic, and the "other side" provided a conceptual framework for her violent fantasies.3 Her cruelty to animals, replaying horror movie scenes, drawing in blood, and wondering what it felt like to kill strongly point towards sadistic tendencies.9 Her statement of "felt nothing" during the murder is a classic indicator of a profound lack of empathy, often associated with psychopathy.3 The "vampire" identity could have served as a powerful psychological construct or a delusional justification, allowing her to rationalize and act upon these sadistic urges. This suggests a complex interplay where her occult beliefs provided a narrative, and her sadistic and psychopathic traits provided the underlying drive for extreme violence.

The "most intriguing proposition raised in Tracey’s defence was that the card had been deliberately placed in the shoe by one of the multiple personalities inhabiting Tracey’s mind — one that hated her violence and wanted to ensure she was caught".9 While this was a defense argument and not a confirmed diagnosis, it offers a rare, albeit speculative, psychological interpretation. The idea that "one part of Tracey knew what happened but another didn’t" aligns with concepts of dissociation or a fragmented sense of self, where different internal states or "personalities" might hold conflicting intentions or awareness.4 This suggests that her "unclear motives" might stem from a deeply fractured psyche, further complicating the understanding of her true motivations beyond a simple "vampire" delusion.9

Media Sensationalism and Public Perception

The media played an aggressive and pervasive role in coining and perpetuating the "Lesbian Vampire Killer" moniker.1 This label was highly effective in capturing public attention due to its combination of unusual and provocative elements: lesbianism, vampirism, and murder.5 It transformed a brutal crime into a tabloid sensation.

This sensational portrayal significantly influenced public perception, often reducing the complex case to a shocking headline and obscuring deeper psychological or social factors.6 The media’s focus on the "vampire" aspect and Wigginton’s identity as a "feared butch lesbian" contributed to a narrative of "monstrosity".1 This portrayal subverted traditional stereotypes of women as nurturers, depicting Wigginton as a "female cannibal" whose "unrestrained appetite" (for food and sex) was marked as "unfeminine".15

The media’s persistent emphasis on the "Lesbian Vampire Killer" label and descriptions of Wigginton as a "feared butch lesbian" and "unfeminine" suggest that the sensationalism tapped into and amplified existing societal anxieties.1 The combination of female violence, non-normative sexuality, and the grotesque (vampirism, cannibalistic undertones) created a potent narrative of "monstrosity".15 This implies that the media was not merely reporting facts but actively constructing a narrative that resonated with and reinforced deeper cultural fears, particularly those related to "Western heteropatriarchy’s deepest, most abject, fears".16 The sensationalism served to both report and shape public anxieties.

A critical perspective reveals how true crime texts and media representation may reinforce "familiar and hostile views about women".15 The portrayal often linked Wigginton’s "monstrosity" to her "unfeminine" body (tall, overweight, ‘butch’).15 While some true crime texts acknowledge her experience of sexual and physical violence, the dominant narrative often remained focused on her physical and behavioral "otherness" rather than a nuanced exploration of her psychological state or background.15

While mainstream legal and media discourses largely rejected Wigginton’s actions and condemned her, the research notes "overt recuperative measures in alternative, particularly feminist and psychiatric, discourses".16 This highlights a crucial tension: while the public narrative demonized her, some academic or advocacy perspectives sought to understand her actions within broader contexts such as her claims of trauma.3 This suggests a struggle between the societal need to condemn horrific acts and the concurrent effort to understand the complex underlying psychological and social factors, even if these "recuperative" efforts are often marginalized in dominant sensationalist narratives.

Aftermath and Parole: Life Beyond Bars

Tracey Wigginton’s incarceration was not without incident. In 2006, she assaulted a fellow inmate and a prison guard, indicating continued behavioral issues during her time in custody.3

Her path to parole was protracted, marked by multiple unsuccessful applications between 2008 and 2011.3 Her 2008 application was denied, and her April 2010 application was deferred eight times.13 Ultimately, the parole board granted her application in December 2011, leading to her release from the low-security Numinbah prison farm on January 11, 2012, after serving 20 years of her life sentence.3 It is notable that she was released "despite lying to the parole board".3 It is important to clarify that an April 2008 report of Wigginton’s release was actually Lisa Ptaschinski being released under a resettlement leave program.3

Her parole conditions stipulated that she was prohibited from contacting her co-offenders or the victim’s family, and from selling her story to media organizations or profiting from her crime in any way.13

Public interest in Wigginton’s case was revived in 2021, nearly a decade after her release, when it was revealed that she was posting images on Facebook of vampires, witches, and a pile of skull and bones.3 Following these revelations, the officers who originally investigated her case called for her parole to be revoked, citing ongoing concerns about her mindset.3

Wigginton’s assault on prison staff in 2006 and her later Facebook posts featuring "vampires, witches, and a pile of skull and bones" suggest a persistent adherence to her dark fascinations and potentially an ongoing risk, even after serving a substantial sentence.3 Despite her release on parole, these behaviors indicate that the underlying psychological issues and belief systems that fueled her crime may not have been fully addressed or resolved through incarceration. This raises a critical question about the effectiveness of the penal system in rehabilitating individuals with such deep-seated and bizarre pathologies, and the ongoing potential risk they may pose to society even after release.

The fact that Wigginton was granted parole "despite lying to the parole board" and that investigating officers later called for her parole revocation due to her online activity highlights a significant tension within the justice system.3 There is a constant balance between the goal of rehabilitation, the paramount need for public safety, and the public’s desire for retribution and justice. Her continued engagement with occult and morbid imagery suggests that her "vampiric" identity might not have been a temporary delusion but a deeply ingrained aspect of her personality, raising fundamental questions about the criteria for parole and the ongoing monitoring of high-profile offenders to ensure community safety. This implies a systemic challenge in accurately assessing genuine rehabilitation versus superficial compliance.

Conclusion: An Enduring Case Study in Criminal Psychology and Media

The case of Tracey Wigginton stands as a compelling and disturbing study in criminal psychology and the pervasive influence of media. Her brutal and ritualistic murder of Edward Baldock was driven by bizarre "vampiric" claims, deeply rooted in a troubled past marked by trauma and a profound immersion in occult fascinations. The case was amplified and largely defined by sensational media coverage, particularly through the indelible "Lesbian Vampire Killer" moniker, which cemented its place in public consciousness.

This case serves as a critical examination of the complex intersection of early life trauma, psychological disturbance, the dynamics of coercion within small groups, and the manifestation of extreme violence. The "vampire" motive, whether interpreted as a literal belief, a profound delusion, or a performative justification for sadistic urges, continues to offer unique insights into the dark recesses of human pathology and the criminal mind. The apparent desensitization to violence, from self-harm and animal cruelty to premeditated murder, illustrates a chilling progression of pathology. The dynamics within Wigginton’s group of accomplices, characterized by manipulation and shared delusion, further underscore how a disturbed individual can exert sinister control over others.

The legacy of media influence in this case is undeniable. The "Lesbian Vampire Killer" moniker indelibly shaped public perception, demonstrating the powerful, often distorting, role of media in framing narratives around crime and criminals. This case exemplifies how sensationalism can overshadow a nuanced understanding of underlying psychological and social factors, contributing to an enduring public fascination that prioritizes shock value over deeper analysis. The media’s portrayal also highlighted and potentially reinforced societal anxieties about female violence, non-normative sexuality, and "monstrosity."

Despite the legal resolution and Wigginton’s release from prison, the deeper psychological motivations and the precise interplay of factors leading to such a horrific crime remain complex and partially obscured. Her post-release behaviors, including continued engagement with morbid imagery, raise questions about the true extent of her rehabilitation and the ongoing challenges of managing high-profile offenders with deep-seated pathologies. This inherent ambiguity ensures that the Tracey Wigginton case continues to be a subject of morbid fascination and academic interest in the fields of true crime, forensic psychology, and media studies, serving as a stark reminder of the darker aspects of human nature and society’s response to them.

Works cited

1. Lesbian Vampire Killer :The True Story of Tracey Wigginton – Apple Books, accessed May 29, 2025, https://books.apple.com/gb/book/lesbian-vampire-killer-the-true-story-of-tracey-wigginton/id1574398990
2. Tracey Wigginton: A Literal Thirst For Blood – Apple Podcasts, accessed May 29, 2025, https://podcasts.apple.com/gb/podcast/tracey-wigginton-a-literal-thirst-for-blood/id1453918264?i=1000633127350
3. Tracey Wigginton – Wikipedia, accessed May 29, 2025, https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Tracey_Wigginton
4. The Vampire Killer: 9781409261902: Hicks, Ron: Books – Amazon.com, accessed May 29, 2025, https://www.amazon.com/Vampire-Killer-Ron-Hicks/dp/1409261905
5. "Lesbian Vampire Killer"–Psychopedia – Apple Podcasts, accessed May 29, 2025, https://podcasts.apple.com/gb/podcast/lesbian-vampire-killer/id1677222172?i=1000689170077
6. The "Lesbian Vampire Killer" – Apple Podcasts, accessed May 29, 2025, https://podcasts.apple.com/tc/podcast/the-lesbian-vampire-killer/id1445344726?i=1000678199750
7. Lesbian Vampire Killer :The True Story of Tracey Wigginton by Trish Samuelson | eBook, accessed May 29, 2025, https://www.barnesandnoble.com/w/lesbian-vampire-killer-trish-samuelson/1123256979
8. Lesbian Vampire Killer : The True Story of Tracey Wigginton – Goodreads, accessed May 29, 2025, https://www.goodreads.com/book/show/28501911-lesbian-vampire-killer
9. An extract from “Killer Instinct” by Donald Grant – Melbourne University Publishing, accessed May 29, 2025, https://www.mup.com.au/books/killer-instinct-paperback-softback/extract
10. Episode 64: Tracey Wigginton | The Vampire Lesbian Cult – Apple Podcasts, accessed May 29, 2025, https://podcasts.apple.com/us/podcast/episode-64-tracey-wigginton-the-vampire-lesbian-cult/id1695961925?i=1000671381567
11. Episode 198 – The Lesbian Vampire Killer (1989) – JioSaavn, accessed May 29, 2025, https://www.jiosaavn.com/shows/episode-198-the-lesbian-vampire-killer-1989/gzKP,Vjt6kE_
12. List of Deadly Women episodes – Wikipedia, accessed May 29, 2025, https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/List_of_Deadly_Women_episodes
13. ‘Lesbian vampire killer’ released from jail | Otago Daily Times Online …, accessed May 29, 2025, https://www.odt.co.nz/news/australia/lesbian-vampire-killer-released-jail
14. "Lesbian vampire killer" Tracey Wigginton released after 20 years in Australian jail – The World from PRX, accessed May 29, 2025, https://theworld.org/stories/2017/05/13/lesbian-vampire-killer-tracey-wigginton-released-after-20-years-australian-jail
15. Corporeality, Food and Female Monstrosity in Two True Crime Texts Jay Daniel Thompson – Brill, accessed May 29, 2025, https://brill.com/display/book/9781848881921/BP000015.pdf
16. Cultural anxiety and vampiric voracity: | 5 | When Women Kill | Tracey, accessed May 29, 2025, https://www.taylorfrancis.com/chapters/edit/10.4324/9780203422830-5/cultural-anxiety-vampiric-voracity-tracey-wigginton-hunger

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